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| Elder John Gano (1727-1804) |
I answered, that I would go for one year, but that I would like three months of that time to visit North Carolina; to which they agreed. I accordingly removed.
They Most likely referring to First Baptist Church of New York had finished a meeting-house, and had began a parsonage-house; and they seemed disposed to do anything, to render me happy. Their church,which at first consisted of twenty-six members The first church in New York City originated in the following manner: About the year 1745 Mr. Jeremiah Dodge a member of Mr. Holstead's church at Fishkill, settled in New York, and opened a prayer, reading, and singing meeting at his own house. He invited Mr. John Pine, an unordained preacher in the church of Fishkill, to come and preach. They met in several places, and increased in number, until finally being constituted into a church on June 19, 1762, by Elders Benjamin Miller and John Gano. They joined the Philadelphia Association the same year. Mr. John Gano became pastor of the church in 1762, and continued in that relation for about twenty-six years, when he removed to Kentucky. During that time about 300 persons were received by baptism. A meeting house was erected in 1760, which was replaced by a much larger structure in 1801, on Gold-Street. Ministers who were raised up in this church included Thomas Ustick, Isaac Skillman, Stephen Gano, Thomas Montanye, Cornelius P. Wyckoff, James Bruce, and John Seger, were speedily increased; and a hopeful work began. At every church-meeting there was a number who offered themselves. My usual services, on Lord's days,were, preaching three times; and I gave a lecture weekly. The church being too small to accommodate the people who attended, an addition was made to it. The church, at this time, had increased to two hundred in number.
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| Elder Samuel Stillman (1737-1807) |
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| Stephen Gano (1762-1828) |
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| John Murray (1741-1815) |
Soon after, a great difficulty arose in the church respecting the singing of psalms. Although the cause was trivial, the consequence was a separation The next difficulty worthy of note originated in a vote of the Church to sing from hymn books, instead of giving out the lines, as had previously been the custom. This change gave so much offence that fourteen took letters of dismission, and formed the Second Baptist Church, New York, and as such were publicly recognized on the 5th of June, 1770, by brethren Miller and Gano. of the church, or, in other words, the second church was constituted out of it. From these two churches others were constituted;—One upon Staten Island;—one at Stamford, (Connecticut,)—one in King-street; and another, at Peekskill. From the constitution of the church, until its separation, it pleased God to renovate the hearts of many; and many were called to exercise their gifts in the ministry. One of these was Mr. Isaac Skillman Isaac Skillman was born in New Jersey in the year 1740, and was sent into the ministry by the First Baptist Church in New York. He studied first at the Rev. Isaac Eaton's school at Hopewell, N. J., and then entered the College of New Jersey, at which he was graduated in 1755. In 1773, he became the Pastor of the Second Baptist Church in Boston, as successor to the Rev. John Davis. He remained at Boston fourteen years, and in 1787 returned to New Jersey. On the 18th of September, 1790, he was called to the pastoral charge of the Baptist Church in Salem, N. J., and, having accepted the call, entered upon his duties in November following. He continued Pastor at Salem until the close of his life. He died very suddenly, on the 8th of June, 1799, in the fifty-ninth year of his ago. He received the degree of Master of Arts from Rhode Island College in 1774, and the degree of Doctor of Divinity from the same institution in 1798. Dr. Benedict says, — " Dr. Skillman was a man of learning and abilities, but never very popular as a preacher." During his Pastorate at Salem, fifty-seven members were added by Baptism. When his death was known to the Philadelphia Baptist Association, which included the Salem Church, it was thus noticed by the Rev. Dr. Samuel Jones, in the Circular Letter for 1799: — "Dr. Skillman is no more, lie has been removed, we trust, from his labours in the Church militant to that rest which remaineth for the people of God; and, though we feel and lament the loss we sustain by this heavy visitation, yet we desire to be resigned to the Divine will, in a comfortable assurance that our loss is his gain.' Dr. Skillman is interred in the Baptist burying-ground at Salem., a graduate of Princeton College. At the time he joined the church, he taught a latin school in the city of New-York. He afterwards, accepted a call from the second Baptist church in Boston, where he lived a few years. He was solicited to remove to Kentucky, and take charge of a seminary of learning at Lexington in that state; but was diverted from it, by a call from a church in New Jersey This would be the First Baptist Church of Salem NJ, which he accepted, and in which he now continues. About the same time, Mr. Ebenezer Frances, of Stamford in Connecticut, one of the members we dismissed from our church, to constitute the church in Stamford, was called by them to the ministry; and still continues in it, with reputation, for ought I know to the contrary. Stephen Gano, nowa minister at Providence, in the state of Rhode Island, was called from our church to preach. Another was, Mr. Thomas Ustick, now a minister in Philadelphia. He was baptised, and joined our church when he was about fourteen years of age. He was a
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| James Manning (1738-1791) |
While in this place, we had another daughter, who was born February 4th, 1764, and whom we called Sarah. The year after, our oldest son, John Stites Gano, who was on a visit to his grandparents, met with a fall, which put a period to his existence, after languishing a few days. He professed a hope of eternal life, through the mediation of Jesus Christ. On the 14th day of July,1766, we had another son, who bore the name of John Stites Gano, after my eldest On the 15th of August, 1768, we had another daughter, who died in the third year of her age. We had another son, whom we called Isaac Eaton Gano, in the year 1770; and at the commencement of the war, just before we left New-York, we had another son, whom we called Richard Montgomery Gano.
The war now coming on, obliged the church to separate, and many removed from .the city, in almost every direction, through the union. I was invited by Mr. Peter Brown, of Horseneck, in the edge of Connecticut, to remove my family to his house, as he understood I was determined to remain in the city, till the enemy entered it: the British fleet were in the Narrows, and part of their troops were landing on Long and Staten Islands. I was invited to become Chaplain of the regiment, belonging to Colonel Charles Webb,of Stamford, and Lieutenant Colonel Hall This I declined. They then proposed to me, to come to their regiment, which lay a little distance from the city, and preach to them one sermon on Lord's-day, and attend there every morning. To this I acceded. The enemy's shipping, took possession both of the North and East rivers, and clearly evinced their determination of landing their troops. This left me no possible opportunity, of getting my household furniture; I was obliged therefore, to retire, precipitately,to our camp. The next day, after a little skirmishing, the British took possession of the city, and our army was driven to Harlem heights.—From thence, after a few more skirmishes, we had to retreat to Kings-bridge in Westchester, leaving in Fort Washington, a garrison of about fifteen hundred men,all of whom, a little after, fell a sacrifice to the British. From King's-bridge, we retreated to White Plains, where General Washington had the greater part of his army, excepting those that were employed in Pennsylvania. On the heights of White Plains, we had a warm, though partial battle; for not a third of our army, or probably of theirs,was brought to action. My station, in time of action, I knew to be among the surgeons; but in this battle, I, somehow, got in the front of the regiment; yet I durst not quit my place, for fear of damping the spirits of the soldiers, or of bringing on me an imputation of cowardice. Rather than do either, I chose to risk my fate. This circumstance, gave an opportunity to the young officers of talking; and I believe it had a good effect upon some of them. From this place, we withdrew, in a few days, to North-Castle, and encamped not far from the Presbyterian meeting house; which was made a hospital for the sick and wounded. I obtained a furlough, to visit my family, for a few days; and upon my return,found all the army gone from the place, except one poor soldier, whom I found at the hospital, with a bottle of water at his side. The British, had passed through New Jersey, towards Philadelphia ; and had garrisoned a body of men at Brunswick, Princeton, and Trenton; where they had quartered the chief part of their Hessian troops. General Washington, had passed over the Delaware with a part of his army, and encamped in Newton, in Pennsylvania; and had ordered the remainder, which I belonged to, and which General Lee commanded, to come after him. We marched through Morristown, and Basking Ridge, in New Jersey, where General Lee was taken, in the night, in the outskirts of our army. The command then devolved on General Glover, who led us through Aimwell, over the Delaware, to General Washington's army.
Our troops, principally consisted of men,enlisted for the year, and the militia. General Washington gave orders for his army to march, in the evening, across the Delaware, to Trenton, and attack the Hessians. In this attack, eleven hundred Hessians were taken prisoners. The time, for which our troops engaged, being out. General Washington, visited the various regiments, and requested them to serve six weeks longer. In that time, he said, he expected a reinforcement, with an army, raised either for three years, or during the war. Our affairs were principally conducted by State-Congresses. The British,hearing of our army being at Trenton, marched their troops after us; and the two armies met at Princeton, were a skirmish took place, and the British retreated to Brunswick. Here General Washington, with a handful of men, kept the British in close quarters, for the remainder of the year.
Six weeks being now expired, and we about to return home, the colonel and officers of the regiment requested to know, if I would join them provided they should raise another body of men. I answered them in the affirmative; but on my return home, I found a letter from Colonel Dubosque, who was stationed at Fort Montgomery, on the banks of North river, opposite Fishkill. On the receipt of this letter, I set off to the colonel's regiment, to refuse the invitation, therein contained. On my arrival there, I found General James Clinton in company with the Colonel, both of whom, urged me to accept the office of Chaplain, in so forcible a manner, that I finally consented. I repaired to the fort, where I remained, till the British took it from us, by storm. The North-river, was a great object, both to the Americans, and the enemy. For while we had the command of it, the eastern and southern states, could operate to great advantage; but if the enemy could control it, it would involve us in great difficulties and embarrassments. They were therefore anxious to have their army come from Canada, to Albany, and their navy, to take possession of North-river, and thereby form a junction with each other. Their navy, sailed up the river, and landed their soldiers, amounting to about five thousand men. We had, both in Fort-Montgomery, and Fort-Clinton, but about seven hundred men. We had been taught to believe, that we should be reinforced, in time of danger, from the neighbouring militia; but they were, at this time, very inactive. We heard of the approach of the enemy, and that they were about a mile and a half from Fort-Clinton. That fort sent out a small detachment, which was immediately driven back. The British army surrounded both our forts, and commenced an universal firing. I was walking on the breast-work, viewing their approach, but was obliged to quit this station, as the musket balls frequently passed me. I observed the enemy, marching up a little hollow, that they might be secured from our firing, till they came within eighty yards of us. Our breast-work, immediately before them, was not more than waist-band-high, and we had but a few men. The enemy, kept up a heavy firing, till our men, gave them a well directed fire, which affected them very sensibly. Just at this time, we had a reinforcement from a redoubt, next to us, which obliged the enemy to withdraw. I walked to an eminence, where I had a good prospect, and saw the enemy advancing towards our gate. This gate, faced Fort-Clinton, and Captain Moody, who commanded a piece of artillery at that fort, seeing our desperate situation, gave the enemy a charge of grape-shot, which threw them into great confusion. Moody repeated his charge, which entirely dispersed them for that time.
About sunset, the enemy sent a couple of flags, into each of our forts, demanding an immediate surrender, or we should all be put to the sword. General George Clinton, who commanded in Fort-Montgomery, returned for answer, that the latter was preferable to the former, and that he should not surrender the fort. General James Clinton, who commanded in Fort-Clinton, answered the demand in the same manner. A few minutes after the flags had returned, the enemy commenced a very heavy firing, which was answered by our army. The dusk of the evening, together with the smoke, and the rushing in of the enemy, made it impossible for us to distinguish friend, from foe. This confusion, gave us an opportunity of escaping, through the enemy, over the breast-work. Many escaped to the water's side, and got on board a scow, and pushed off. Before she had got twice her length, we grappled one of our row-galleries, into which we all got, and crossed the river. We arrived safe at New-Windsor, where in a few days after, we were joined by some more of our army, who had escaped from the forts. By our returns, we had lost, killed and taken prisoners, about three hundred men. The enemy, as we afterwards understood, had one thousand or eleven hundred killed, among whom were eighteen Captains, and one or two field officers, besides a great number of wounded.
When we arrived at New-Windsor, I obtained a furlough, to visit my family, who then lived at New-Fairfield, where was born, my daughter Susannah, on the 8th of November, 1777, and from whence, after tarrying a few days, I departed for the army.
The command of the North-river, as I before said, was a great object with the Americans, as well as the enemy. The British, therefore, made every exertion to unite their northern and southern armies. A spy was dispatched from Sir Henry Clinton, to obtain information of our situation. But providentially for us, the spy was apprehended, and the enemy's scheme frustrated. Their northern army, was captured at Bennington, on their way to Albany, principally, by the New-England militia, under the command of General Gates. I obtained another furlough to visit my family, but as our army was encamped near a meeting-house, I was ordered to visit them, and preach. My family removed to New-Milford, where I often preached, when on a visit to them.
At the opening of the next campaign, General Clinton's brigade, consisted, of two regiments from New York, one from New-England, and one from New-Jersey, neither of which had a Chaplain. I was, therefore constituted Chaplain to the brigade, by General Clinton, and, soon after, commissioned as such, by Congress. During this campaign, the principal operations, of the enemy, were in Pennsylvania and New-England. In the latter, they burnt part of Old Stratfield, and attacked Danbury, where they were so warmly repulsed, that with difficulty they escaped. - At the close of the campaign, General Clinton's brigade was ordered to take winter-quarters in Albany. While we remained there, a message came from our troops, which lay at Canajoharie, to General Clinton, requesting, to let me go and spend a little time with them. To this the General consented, and I went. When I got there, they asked me to preach; and wished I would dwell a little more on politics than I commonly did. In one of my discourses, I took the words of Moses to his father-in-law; "Come go thou with us, and we will do thee good; for he that seeketh my life, seeketh thy life, but with us thou shall be in safeguard."
About this time, the western expedition was meditated, to be conducted by General Sullivan. General Maxfield, of New-Jersey, was to go up the Susquehanna, and form a junction with General Clinton. General Banis's brigade, from New-England, to go to Otsego, at the head of the Susquehanna, and wait for orders, to come down the river, with flat-bottomed boats, which were for the conveyance of the troops and provisions. Accordingly, one hundred and eight boats were provided, and went up the North and Mohawk-rivers, to Canajoharie. From thence, they were carried through woods and swamps, sixteen miles, to Otsego, which forms the Susquehanna. While some of the army were cutting and preparing the road for the conveyance of the boats, the General sent others, to dam the outlet, which was so effectually done, that the whole lake was raised three or four feet. We encamped at Otsego, for five or six weeks, previous to our receiving orders for marching. We lay here on the fourth of July, and the officers insisted on my preaching, which I did from these words: "This day shall be a memorial unto you throughout your generations." On this occasion, the soldiery behaved with the most decency that I ever knew them to, during the war. Some of them usually absented themselves from worship on Lord's-day, and the only punishment they were subjected to was the digging up of stumps, which, in some instances, had a good effect.
Our troops, both officers and privates, grew extremely impatient of remaining so inactive, fearing the campaign would fall through. The General informed me, that he had received orders to move, and that he should do it on the next Monday. He requested me not to mention it, till after service the next day, which was Sunday. I preached to them from these words: "Being ready to depart on the morrow." As soon as service was closed, the General rose up, and ordered each Captain to appoint a certain number of men out of his company, to draw the boats from the lake, and string them along the Susquehanna, below the dam, and load them, that they might be ready to depart the next morning. Notwithstanding, the dam had been opened several hours, yet the swell it had occasioned in the river, served to carry the boats over the shoals and flatts, which would have been impossible otherwise. It was at that time very dry; it was therefore, matter of astonishment to the inhabitants, down the river, for above an hundred miles, what could have occasioned such a freshet in the river. The soldiers marched on both sides of the river, excepting the invalids, who went in the boats, with the baggage and provision. In a few days, we formed a junction, at Cayuga, with the troops from below. The General calculated the route, and the time it would consequently take them; examined the provision, and finally concluded to form a garrison, leave all the baggage and provision, (excepting that in charge of Colonel Butler,) and proceed with two or three pieces of light cannon, for the place of destination. The next day we had a little skirmish with the Indians, who, we believed, had secretly watched the motions of both divisions of our army.
We marched for Newton, (Penn.) where the different nations of Indians, under their two chiefs, Butler and Brant, had collected, and ambuscaded. General Sullivan, by some of his spies, gained information of this, the evening before; and therefore planned the attack for next morning. Sullivan, with his division and cannon, was to march up and attack, while General Poor with his regiment, should march to the right, and take possession of a mountain, where it was judged the main body of the Indians lay. General Clinton to advance further to the right, and station himself at the back of the mountain, to head the enemy, if they were routed. We pursued our orders, till forced, by an impassable defile, to go nearly into General Poor's route. Many of the enemy, by this means, escaped. One circumstance, prevented our gaining a complete victory. Our orders were not put in execution, when the attack was made by General Sullivan; he commenced with heavy firing from his cannon, which created a general alarm among the Indians. This we learnt from two prisoners, whom we took. They also told us, that the instant the first cannon was fired, they broke their ranks, and took to running, although Butler and Brant, ordered them to stop. When our army collected, we saw ourselves surrounded by a large field of Indian corn, pumpkins, squashes, beans, &c. Which was no unpleasant sight to soldiers, who were as hungry as we were. Here General Sullivan displayed his generalship, by putting the army on half allowance, that we might more effectually secure the victory, by pursuing the Indians. Our success, and the exhortations of our officers, induced the soldiery to a cheerful compliance, and they consequently set up a loud huzza! An Irishman, observing this, said, he had been a long time in the British army, and some time in the service of America, but he never heard soldiers cry huzza! for half allowance before; however, as they all had, he would. To this place, we brought several of our boats; ami from here, they were sent back, to convey some wounded soldiers and corn, for the garrison.
On our return, the Indians that were settled on Cayuga and Tioga, were apprised of our approach, and had left those two places, leaving behind them an old squaw, and a young one to take care of her. The General, destroyed the town; but first ordered her into a wigwam, and forbid anyone hurting her or her wigwam; and also left a note on her door to that effect. We understood, that in going to the Genesee, we had to go through a. considerable town. The general sent off a lieutenant and sergeant [sic], with twenty men, to make discoveries, and to return that night. Instead of returning, they wished to try the conveniency of an Indian wigwam, and therefore tarried all night. The Indians, hearing of this, formed an ambuscade between them and the army, which our men did not discover, till they were entrapped. One of our men, by name Murphy, cleared himself from them, shot an Indian who attempted to oppose him, and brought us the information. The General put the army in motion; but before we arrived to the relief of our men, we were stopped by a rivulet, and were obliged to throw a bridge across it. While this was doing, the General stationed sentinels beyond the men, who were at work, and nearly within gunshot of the Indians. In crossing the bridge, they shot one or two of our men: one of our centnals, a daring fellow, saw a cluster of them rise from their concealment, and knowing it was impossible for him to escape from them, run toward them, hallooed and waved his hat, as though our army were nigh him. This alarmed them so, that they arose and run, leaving their baggage &c. behind them. We crossed the bridge, but had not marched far, before night overtook us. We were obliged to encamp. The distance, between us and the Genesee flats, was but small.
Next morning, we set off on our march, crossed the Genesee, and marched seven miles to a large Indian town. Here we discovered, that the Indians had massacred our Lieutenant Boyd and the Serjeant, and had burnt down their huts. Among the ruins of the huts, we found a number of human bones, which we supposed were those of Boyd's scout taken in the skirmish, and of their own men who were killed or wounded. Here we encamped for the night.
In the morning, we heard the guns from the British garrison. We discovered amazing fields of corn, not yet gathered, which our army destroyed. It was supposed that the Indians were gone to the British garrison; and that they had concluded our intention was for the garrison. In the afternoon, our army wheeled about; and General Clinton, was ordered to encamp at the Genesee, and wait for our division to come up. Sullivan's division, encamped in a large corn-field. Our division, marched with all the dispatch they could, being amazing weak and emaciated, by their half allowance, and green corn. We returned near to the garrison at Cayuga; the garrison came out to meet us. The next day, we had a great feast in the garrison, and then arranged matters for our return to Easton. But here, I must not forget to mention a circumstance, peculiarly pleasing to me. Two or three young soldiers were under great distress of mind concerning their souls, and frequently, came to see and converse with me. I mentioned a text to General Sullivan, which frequently occurred to me when I thought of the Indians, and the devastations which were made in their country. The text was: "They shall walk through them, be an hungry, and curse their God and their King, and took upwards." The General intended to have a sermon when we arrived at Easton, and wished me to preach from these words just mentioned. But, when we arrived at Easton, I found there was another Chaplain who had made preparations to preach a sermon, I therefore gave him the opportunity.
I obtained a furlough, to visit and tarry some time with my family. While here, I received a letter from the Baptist church in Philadelphia, requesting me to come and supply them. I shewed the letter to General Clinton, who granted me leave to pay them a visit for two or three weeks. I informed the church, that I was not discharged from the army, neither did I wish to engage myself to any people. For if, in the providence of God, the enemy should be driven from New-York, I intended to collect my scattered church, and to settle myself in that place. I therefore wished them to look for a supply elsewhere. While in Philadelphia, I had a severe turn of the cholic, which detained me from the army several days longer than I intended to have staid. That winter we encamped near Newbury, and my family lived at Warwick: as the distance was not great, I had the privilege of being more at home that winter, than at any time since the commencement of the war; and it was a providential circumstance, as the winter proved extremely severe, and my family needed all the assistance I could give them.
The operations of the enemy at this time, were principally at the southward, where General Gates and the southern militia, opposed them with no very great success. General Gates, after his defeat, was succeeded by General Green, which gave new life, and vigour to the militia. About this time, General Washington collected his army in the neighbourhood of the British, at New-Jersey. This excited the wonder of everybody. Does he intend to make a forcible attack on the British in New-York? was the general question. Neither did the enemy understand his movements. General Washington, had large ovens erected, which confirmed the opinion of his intended operation, against the enemy at and about New-York.
The period now arrived, of a forced march of the combined army of French and Americans; to Williamsburg, in Virginia. They marched through New-Jersey and Pennsylvania, into Virginia; and came in the rear of Lord Cornwallis, the same day that the French fleet, arrived and blockaded the British, at Gloucester Point. After a short siege, in which the whole British force in that quarter was reduced, General Washington moved his army. This movement was so sudden and unexpected to me, that I was totally unprepared for it. I had with me only one shift of linen, of which I informed General Clinton, requesting leave of absence to get more; but to this he objected, and said I must go on with them, at all events. When we arrived at Newark, I found an old lady, who had been a member of my church in New-York. I told her my situation, and she furnished me with what was needful for the campaign. From Newark, we marched to Baltimore. There General Clinton's Aid was taken sick, and I was ordered to stay with him, till he was able to come after the army. The Major's anxiety to follow the army, retarded his recovery. However, he attempted and set out; but after one or two days, he was obliged to lay by. In a day or two we set off again, but did not reach the army before the British capitulated. However, we partook of the joy with our brethren.
Matters being adjusted, the General ordered the return of the army. On my way home, I stopped [sic] at Mr. Hart's, in Hopewell, in New-Jersey, and, after staying there one night, started for home. Between Hopewell, and the Piscataqua, I met a messenger from Scotch Plains, who informed me, he was going to get Mr. Hart, to preach a funeral In 1747, he donated to the Baptists, who wanted to build a church in a convenient spot in the area, a parcel of ground for a church from his front meadow. He was a Presbyterian, and this endeared him to the Baptists in the area, who may have supported him later when he ran for office. Until well after the revolution, the area was thereafter call Baptist Meeting House. on the death of Mr. Miller, who was to be buried the next day; unless I would stop and preach it. I told him, I would stop, but that he had better get Mr. Hart to preach the sermon. He went on, and informed Mr. Hart of what had passed: Mr. Hart said he wished to be excused. The duty then devolved on me; one circumstance made it very striking to me: It had been a private agreement between Mr. Miller myself, that the survivor of us, if he had word of the death, should preach the funeral sermon of the other. Never did I esteem a ministering brother so much, or feel the bereavement so sensibly, as I did Mr. Milter. - At the funeral, I got information, that my, family had moved; which was a day's ride less distant. I set off for home, and found them well, and an addition of another son, whose name was William.
On my return to the army, we encamped at Newbury, and erected some huts, and a place for public worship, on Lord's days. We had three services a day, and preached in rotation; one from each brigade. We continued here during the winter, and had frequent reports, that the British were negotiating a peace, which occasioned expresses being sent to and from the British General at New-York, and General Washington. The next spring, the British evacuated New-York; and General Washington entered the city with his army. The army was soon after disbanded, and we poor ruined Yorkers returned to our disfigured-houses.
My house needed some repairs, and wanted some new furniture; for the enemy plundered a great many articles. We collected of our church, about thirty seven members, out of upwards of two hundred. Some were dead, and others scattered into almost every part of the union. Some had turned formers; but the most of these returned to the city. The Lord looked graciously upon us: we soon had a large congregation, numbers were sensibly convicted, and many were brought to bow the knee to king Jesus.
There was an application made to the association, for a minister to travel as a missionary, for one year; and to make him some allowance from the association fund. I had some intimation of this application before I went to the association; and proposed it to my church, that if I was pitched upon as the person, whether they would consent. They agreed to it. My church was, at this time, in a very flourishing condition: daily additions were making to our number. At one communion season, there were near forty young persons added; about an equal number ef each sex. We had meetings constantly, for the purpose of conversing, singing and praying; which proved very beneficial, and which was kept up for years, and even, till my removal to Kentucky, before which time, our number of communicants in the church exceeded two hundred.
The reason of my removal to Kentucky, I shall here state. One Mr. William Wood, came from that country, and gave a very exalted character of the state of it. He made several encouraging proposals to me to go there, said there was a prospect of usefulness in the ministry, the necessity of an old experienced minister to take care of a young church there, and flattering temporal prospects for the support of my family. For these reason I concluded to remove. Besides, I was considerably in debt, and saw no way of being released, but by selling my house and lot. This I concluded would clear me, and enable me to purchase waggons and horses to carry me to Kentucky. I called a church meeting, and informed them of my intention. They treated it as a chimera, and thought they could stop me by raising my salary. They, with all possible coolness, left me to determine for myself. I, immediately, determined to go, and desired them to look out for a supply. This aroused them, and they very affectionately urged me to tarry. I told them, if they had desired me to stay before I had put it out of my own power, I should then have given it up.
I sold my estate, and commenced my journey for Kentucky. I encountered more difficulties than I had calculated for. In going down the Ohio river, one of my boats unfortunately overset, and turned everything into the river. They who were in her, narrowly escaped, by cutting the ropes which tied the horses, so that neither man nor beast were lost. But I lost some very valuable property, which I never could replace. I also lost all the provender for my horses, which at that time was a very serious misfortune. However, as there were others in company from New-Jersey, and of my acquaintance, I was amply supplied with that necessary article. We landed at Limestone, on the 17th of June, A. D. 1787; and soon after set out for Washington, in Kentucky, where I safely arrived. I here preached to my companions and the inhabitants, from these words; "So we got all safe to land."
[at his death Elder Gano asked that his favorite hymn be sung titled "Ah Lovely Appearance of Death"]
AH! lovely appearance of death,
What sight upon earth is so fair?
Not all the gay pageants that breathe,
Can with a dead body compare!
With solemn delight I survey,
The corpse, when the spirit is fled,
In love with the beautiful clay,
And longing to lie in its stead.
How blest is our brother, bereft
Of all that could burthen his mind;
How easy the soul that has left,
This wearisome body behind!
Of evil incapable thou,
Whose relics with envy I see,
No longer in misery now,
No longer a sinner like me.
This earth is affected no more,
With sickness, or shaken with pain;
The war in the members is o'er,
And never shall vex him again!
No anger, henceforward, or shame,
Shall redden this innocent clay;
Extinct is the animal flame,
And passion is vanished away.
This languishing head is at rest,
Its thinking and aching are o'er;
This quiet, immovable breast,
Is heav'd by affliction no more!
This heart is no longer the seat,
Of trouble and torturing pain;
It ceases to flutter and beat,
It never shall flutter again.
The lids he so seldom could close,
(By sorrow forbidden to sleep,)
Seal'd up in a lengthy repose.
Have strangely forgotten to weep.
The fountains can yield no supplies,
These hollows from water are free,
The tears are all wip'd from these eyes,
And evil they never shall see.
To mourn and to suffer is mine,
While bound in a prison, I breathe;
And stili for deliverance pine,
And press to the issues of death.
What now, with my tears I bedew,
O might I this moment become!
My spirit created anew,
My flesh be consign'd to the tomb.
[Excerpts from Biographical Memoirs of the Late John Gano (NY: Southwick & Hardcastle, 1806)]
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